Voevodins' Library _ "Focus Groups" 3rd edition / Richard A. Krueger & Mary Anne Casey ... Interview, People, Discussion, Decision Making, Development, Single-Category Design, Multiple-Category Design, Double-Layer Design, Broad-Involvement Design, Audience, Written Plan, Questioning Route, Categories of Questions, Opening Questions, Introductory Questions, Transition Questions, Key Questions, Ending Questions, Campaign, Strategies for Selecting Participants, Sampling Procedures for Focus Groups, Moderating Skills, Moderator, Discussion, Head Nodding, Question, Analysis Strategies, Long-Table Approach, Using the Computer to Help Manage the Data, Rapid Approach, Sound Approach, Principles of Reporting, Written Reports, Narrative Report, Top-Line Report, Bulleted Report, Report Letter to Participants, Oral Reports, Styles of Focus Group Research, Telephone Focus Groups, Internet Focus Groups, Media Focus Groups Voevodin's Library: Interview, People, Discussion, Decision Making, Development, Single-Category Design, Multiple-Category Design, Double-Layer Design, Broad-Involvement Design, Audience, Written Plan, Questioning Route, Categories of Questions, Opening Questions, Introductory Questions, Transition Questions, Key Questions, Ending Questions, Campaign, Strategies for Selecting Participants, Sampling Procedures for Focus Groups, Moderating Skills, Moderator, Discussion, Head Nodding, Question, Analysis Strategies, Long-Table Approach, Using the Computer to Help Manage the Data, Rapid Approach, Sound Approach, Principles of Reporting, Written Reports, Narrative Report, Top-Line Report, Bulleted Report, Report Letter to Participants, Oral Reports, Styles of Focus Group Research, Telephone Focus Groups, Internet Focus Groups, Media Focus Groups



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Why Do Focus Groups Work?
The intent of the focus group is to promote self-disclosure among participants. We want to know what people really think and feel. For some individuals, self-disclosure comes easily-it is natural and comfortable. But for others, it is difficult or uncomfortable and requires trust, effort, and courage. Or disclosure may be easy in some settings but not others. Children have a natural tendency to disclose things about themselves, but through socialization they learn the value of dissemblance. Over time, the natural and spontaneous disclosures of children are modified by social pressure. Sidney Jourard expands on this tendency:
As children we are, and we act, our real selves. We say what we think, we scream for what we want, we tell what we did. These spontaneous disclosures meet variable consequences-some disclosures are ignored, some rewarded, and some punished. Doubtless in accordance with the laws of reinforcement, we learn early to withhold certain disclosures because of the painful consequences to which they lead. We are punished in our society, not only for what we actually do, but also for what we think, feel, or want. Very soon, then, the growing child learns to display a highly expurgated version of his self to others. I have coined the term "public self" to refer to the concept of oneself which one wants others to believe. (Jourard, 1964, p. 10)
A familiar story, especially for mothers, is that of a child running home to tell of an exciting and possibly dangerous experience. Mom is horrified at the tale and tells the child to never, never do that again. Mom's unexpected response leaves an indelible impression, and the child learns one of two things: Either never repeat the experience or, if you do, don't tell Mom!
A young mother was visiting the Sunday school class of her 6-year-old daughter. The lesson was on proper behavior in church. The teacher asked the children to name places where we should not run. Lots of hands were raised, and the teacher called on one child at a time. The children offered their answers: school, the library, grocery store-but church was not mentioned. The visiting mother proudly noticed that her daughter's hand was still waving in the air, undoubtedly armed with the answer sought by the teacher. Finally the teacher called on the daughter. With great enthusiasm, the 6-year-old responded, "The liquor store-my dad said that I should never run in the liquor store because I'll knock down the bottles." The mother was momentarily spellbound because liquor stores were held in disrepute by this church. The child had not yet developed a "public self" at least as far as the church was concerned.
So when do people self-disclose? When do they say what they really think and feel? It is when they feel comfortable and when the environment is permissive and nonjudgmental. Think about bus, train, or plane rides. People are seated close to strangers for hours. It is not unusual for travelers to strike up a casual conversation in which they share information about themselves. In some circumstances, the travelers begin to reveal personal attitudes and feelings about work, family, or life that they might not share with acquaintances. This self-disclosure occurs for several reasons: One or both of the travelers may have sensed that they were alike, the environment is nonthreatening, and even if one disapproved of what was heard, the travelers will likely never see each other again. Linda Austin, a psychiatrist at the Medical University of South. Carolina, was interviewed by Julie Schmit in USA Today: "If you reveal something about yourself to a stranger, so what? There are no consequences. Once you get off the plane, the relationship, which can become very deep very quick, is over" (Schmit, 1993, pp. 1B-2B).
Another reason travelers readily disclose is that they perceive they are alike in some way. It may be that they have one or more characteristics in common, such as age, gender, occupation, or marital status, or that they hold similar attitudes on a topic of discussion. Jourard (1964) has found that individuals decide to reveal based on their perceptions of the other person. In his studies of self-disclosure, Jourard found that "subjects tended to disclose more about themselves to people who resembled them in various ways than to people who differ from them" (p. 15).
Our goal is to create a comfortable, permissive environment in focus groups. We always select participants who have something in common, and we tell them they have this thing in common. The moderator is not in a position of power or influence and encourages comments of all types-positive and negative. The interviewer is careful not to make judgments about the responses and to control body language that might communicate approval or disapproval. The role of the moderator is to ask questions, listen, keep the conversation on track, and make sure everyone has a chance to share. The groups are held in locations where the participants will be comfortable. This will be different for teens than for corporate employees. It may be someone's home, the church basement, a pizza joint, a community center, a neighborhood coffee shop, or a business conference room. Often, when talking to participants, we call it a small group discussion, rather than a focus group, so the process doesn't seem intimidating or mysterious. We try to make people feel comfortable.

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