Voyevodins' Library _ "International Business: Competing in the Global Marketplace" / Charles W.L. Hill ... Chapter 17 ... patent, performance ambiguity, personal controls, pioneering costs, political economy, political risk, political system, polycentric staffing, positive-sum game, power distance, predatory pricing, price discrimination, price elasticity of demand, privatization, product life-cycle theory, production, projected rate, property rights, pull strategy, purchasing power parity (PPP), push strategy, regional economic integration, relatively efficient market, representative democracy, right-wing totalitarianism, royalties, short selling, sight draft, Single European Act, Smoot-Hawley Tariff, social democrats, social mobility, social strata, social structure, socialism, society, sogo shosha, sourcing decisions, specialized asset, specific tariff, spot exchange rate, staffing policy, state-directed economy, stock of foreign direct investment, strategic alliances, strategic commitment, strategic trade policy, strategy, Structural Impediments Initiative Voevodin's Library: patent, performance ambiguity, personal controls, pioneering costs, political economy, political risk, political system, polycentric staffing, positive-sum game, power distance, predatory pricing, price discrimination, price elasticity of demand, privatization, product life-cycle theory, production, projected rate, property rights, pull strategy, purchasing power parity (PPP), push strategy, regional economic integration, relatively efficient market, representative democracy, right-wing totalitarianism, royalties, short selling, sight draft, Single European Act, Smoot-Hawley Tariff, social democrats, social mobility, social strata, social structure, socialism, society, sogo shosha, sourcing decisions, specialized asset, specific tariff, spot exchange rate, staffing policy, state-directed economy, stock of foreign direct investment, strategic alliances, strategic commitment, strategic trade policy, strategy, Structural Impediments Initiative



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Chapter 17 Outline

The Globalization of Markets?

In a now-famous Harvard Business Review article, Theodore Levitt wrote lyrically about the globalization of world markets.2 Levitt's arguments have become something of a lightning rod in the debate about the extent of globalization. According to Levitt:

A powerful force drives the world toward a converging commonalty, and that force is technology. It has proletarianized communication, transport, and travel. The result is a new commercial reality--the emergence of global markets for standardized consumer products on a previously unimagined scale of magnitude.

Gone are accustomed differences in national or regional preferences... The globalization of markets is at hand. With that, the multinational commercial world nears its end, and so does the multinational corporation. The multinational corporation operates in a number of countries and adjusts its products and practices to each--at high relative costs. The global corporation operates with resolute consistency--at low relative cost--as if the entire world were a single entity; it sells the same thing in the same way everywhere.

Commercially, nothing confirms this as much as the success of McDonald's from the Champs Elysees to the Ginza, of Coca-Cola in Bahrain and Pepsi-Cola in Moscow, and of rock music, Greek salad, Hollywood movies, Revlon cosmetics, Sony television, and Levi's jeans everywhere.

Ancient differences in national tastes or modes of doing business disappear. The commonalty of preference leads inescapably to the standardization of products, manufacturing, and the institutions of trade and commerce.

This is eloquent and evocative writing, but is Levitt correct? The rise of global media such as MTV (see the accompanying Management Focus) and CNN, and the ability of such media to help shape a global culture, would seem to lend weight to Levitt's argument. If Levitt is correct, his argument has major implications for the marketing strategies pursued by international business. However, the current consensus among academics seems to be that Levitt overstates his case.3 Although Levitt may have a point when it comes to many basic industrial products, such as steel, bulk chemicals, and semiconductor chips, globalization seems to be the exception rather than the rule in many consumer goods markets and industrial markets. Even a firm such as McDonald's, which Levitt holds up as the archetypal example of a consumer products firm that sells a standardized product worldwide, modifies its menu from country to country in light of local consumer preferences.4 And as we saw in the opening case, although Procter & Gamble may sell dish soap, disposable diapers, and laundry detergent worldwide, and although it may use the same brand names worldwide (e.g., Pampers for diapers), it still customizes the final product offering and marketing strategy to the conditions that pertain in individual national markets.

Levitt is probably correct to assert that modern transportation and communications technologies, such as MTV, are facilitating a convergence of the tastes and preferences of consumers in the more advanced countries of the world. The popularity of sushi in Los Angeles, hamburgers in Tokyo, and grunge rock almost everywhere, support this. In the long run, such technological forces may lead to the evolution of a global culture. At present, however, the continuing persistence of cultural and economic differences between nations acts as a major brake on any trend toward global consumer tastes and preferences. In addition, trade barriers and differences in product and technical standards also constrain a firm's ability to sell a standardized product to a global market. We discuss the sources of these differences in subsequent sections when we look at how products must be altered from country to country. Levitt's globally standardized markets seem a long way off in many industries.

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